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CONTENTS
1.2009
(75)
PUBLISHED BY
ECONOMY PROBLEMS
Crisis and Russia ................................. 2
EXHIBITION
Under New Year Tree ......................... 20
SINCE 1997
PUBLISHER & CEO
Nikolay Laskov
FIRST DEPUTY GENERAL DIRECTOR
Alexander Chernov
PUBLISHING HOUSE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Vladimir Ilyin
The Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev Visits Salut .............. 8
Airshow China 2008 ........................... 22
MARKETING DIRECTOR
Alexander Kiryanov
KEY ACCOUNT DIRECTOR
Nina Gusyakova
CREATIVE DIRECTOR
Dmitry Bykovskiy
PR DIRECTOR
Sergey Kovalski
Vladimir Putin Visits
Tactical Missiles Corporation ............. 11
WARPLANES
J-10 «Tzianbin»:
«the dragon» is ready to fight ............ 25
EDITOR
Vladimir Karnozov
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Vladimir Zhilinko
DESIGNERS
Alvina Kirillova
Sergey Velichkin
BIG BOSS TALKING
Ups & downs for United Aircraft ........ 12
IT DEPARTMENT
Anton Pavlov
ADA LCA light multipurpose fighter .... 34
PHOTOS IN THIS ISSUE:
Nikolay Laskov, Vladimir Karnozov, ITAR-TASS, HAL,
Chinese Ministry of Defence
Circulation: 10,000
The magazine is registered in the Committee for Press
of the Russian Federation. Certificate #016692 as of 20.10.1997.
Certificate #77-15450 as of 19.05.2003.
Any mate ri al in this publi ca tion may not be repro du ced
in any form without the writ ten per mis sion of the publisher.
The edi to ri al staff’s opi nion does not neces sa ri ly coin ci de with that
of the authors. Adver tis ers bear res pon si bi li ty for the con tent
of pro vi ded mate ri als. Authors bear res pon si bi li ty for the accu ra cy
of the facts and infor ma ti on they pro vi de.
© AIR FLEET, 2009
INDUSTRY
Zhuk-AE AESA
is ready for demonstrations
to the customers ................................ 16
CIVIL AVIATION
Arab capital for Aeroflot ..................... 44
ADDRESS
P.O.Box 77, Moscow, 125057, Russia
Tel.: +7 (495) 626-52-11
Fax: +7 (499) 151-61-50
E-mail: af@airfleet.ru
www.airfleet.ru
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ECONOMY PROBLEMS
144,98
PRICES FOR CRUDE OIL, BRENT
65
41
35
27
Vladimir Karnozov
CRI$I$ AND RU$$IA
After collapses in 1991 and 1998, the Russian economy was on the way of recovery for almost ten years, riding
on the back of rising oil and natural gas prices. Late last year the petrodollar income started contracting. This
poses a threat to Vladimir Putin’s grand plans on reinstalling Russia as a manufacturing nation. What is going
to happen to Russian aviation?
The world-wide financial crisis started in
autumn 2008, with liquidity problems hitting certain
North American banks. During the fourth quarter
of the past year it evolved into a global economy
downturn. Now, the crisis is taking its toll on
Russia’s power and capability. The country’s GDP
rose by 6% in 2008, against 7% in 2006-2007,
reflecting poor results of the last quarter. This year
GDP is expected to have no growth or even fall by
few percent.
The Russian power will continue to contract for
awhile. In crisis environment, the world’s consump-
tion of fossil fuels runs low. Manufacturers reduce
production rates due to weak solvent demand.
They buy less energy and raw materials to feed
their plants and factories. Economists believe that
Russian economy will go strong again after the
price of crude oil rises above 70 dollars per barrel. It
will be doing more or less OK with the figure within
the corridor of 50-60.
When this story was written, the price was fluc-
tuating between 37 and 45 dollars. That’s below the
critical mark. And this reduces the amount of money
at hand to support Russia’s ailing defense industrial
complex, military and civil aviation.
Kremlin strategists working on the country’s
2009 annual economy plan balanced it on the
assumption that during the year a barrel of crude
oil would sell at 50 dollar on average. There is some
hope their assumption may turn out right. It was
made in November, when the oil was selling for
merely 34-38 dollars. The strategists calculated,
however, that, even at 50 dollar per barrel, the
Russian economy will make losses.
The strategists have predicted a budget deficit
this year, after a decade of profitable growth. The
years of 2009 and 2010 will be to be critical for the
Russian industrial enterprises and airlines. Some
of them will fly into bankruptcy or be devoured by
larger and more stable players. The Russian govern-
ment has indicated that it is ready to buy stakes in
private and mixed-capital companies provided they
operate in the strategic areas or carry substantial
social function. This will increase state share in the
economy, on the account of private capital.
In December 2008 Kremlin-controlled struc-
tures increased their stake in NPO Saturn to over
50%. It made the first case in the recent Russian
history when privately-control aero engine manu-
facturer went back from the private hands to the
state control. Saturn makes D-30KP/KU turbo-
fans for Il-76TD/MD airlifters and Tu-154M airlin-
ers, AL-55 non-reheated turbojets for Hindustan
Aeronautics HJT-36 trainers, cruise missile pro-
pulsion systems, marine and industrial turbines.
The company hired much money for the PowerJet
SAM.146 turbofan project undertaken jointly with
Snecma of France. But it ran out of funds in late
2008. The government moved for rescue, provid-
ing money in exchange for a control stake in the
enterprise. The SAM.146 powers Sukhoi Superjet
100 small commercial airliner. If not for the
crisis and inflated banking interest rates, Saturn
would never have gone back under government
control. This view is widely shared in the Russian
aviation community.
Addiction to petrodollars
Russia is as much dependant on export of
fossil fuels and raw materials as the oil-rich Arabs,
Iran, Venezuela etc. Saudi Arabia holds the title of
world’s largest oil exporter. Russia comes second.
But Moscow takes the lead when it comes to a
grand total of raw material export, taking account of
natural gas and minerals. Officially, the share of the
fuel sector in the nation’s economy is given at some
30%. But some experts estimate that the share of
“fossil fuel + raw materials” – based sector of the
Russian economy is as large as 70%.
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AIR FLEET · 1.2009 ·( 75 )
A good example of how issues with energy
resources can influence relations between great
powers and their collaborators is the natural
gas conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It took
Moscow and Kiev a whole month to come to terms,
with dead losses exceeding US dollar 5 billion for
Russia alone. Political damage to the relations
between Moscow and Western powers is difficult
to underestimate.
There has been bravado in the Kremlin-
controlled offices and the mass media about “sub-
stantial and growing” achievements of the current
administration in the deed of improving the national
economic system. Reality is darker. The Russian
economy remains strongly dependant on raw mate-
rial exports, which account for over 70% of hard
currency earnings. Volume of domestic manufactur-
ing stays low.
Little is produced in the home territory these
days. In contrast, the Soviet Union manufactured
almost everything locally. Home-made products
provided the lion’s share of the Soviet Union’s own
consumption. In fact, the Soviet people saw very
few foreign-made products in the shops, with the
rear exemptions being Indian tea, Cuban sugar and
Egyptian fruits.
All changed in the 1990s. Collapse of the
communist-style command economy opened doors
wide to foreign manufacturers. The Japanese came
with their cars, the South Koreans with home appli-
ances, Chinese with clothes and the Europeans
with all sorts of machinery (save war machines)
etc. Airbus and Boeing duly obliged Russian carri-
ers seeking modern, fuel-efficient and comfortable
airliners. Their number in the Russian fleet has
exceeded 300 units (including 84 B737s, 16 B757s,
76 A320s, 27 B767s and 12 B747s).
Not surprisingly, local output of commercial
airplanes, ships, machine tools, power units and
all other sorts of high-tech machinery dwarfed. In
some areas, such as super heavy trucks and high-
power gas turbines, Russian production ceased
entirely. This was because the foreign competitors
offered a better combination of price, reliability,
consumer qualities and after-sales support.
Today, it is difficult to name even few high-tech
areas where Russia has been keeping pace with
the US, European and Japanese manufacturers.
Perhaps the only exceptions are certain points in
defense, nuclear power and space. The leading
positions there have been kept with great difficulty.
Quite often, Russia’s leadership in a particular area
is due to the huge Soviet-time investments into
base science, technologies, development centers
and production sites.
Aviation is the area where Russia lost a lot in the
past fifteen years. To such an extent, that in some
key areas the Russian manufacturers needs huge
investments to regain competitive level. For instance,
the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC) needs Rouble
500 billion to attain competitive level with the leading
western manufacturers by 2015. Of that total, Rouble
300 billion is required for development programs,
and 150 billion for technical renovation. As of this
time, government-approved programs allocate less
than 30 million in the period of 2009-2010.
Russia’s first president Boris Yeltsin and his
ministers did not care much for downturn in domes-
tic production of processed goods. And they had
had reasons for such an attitude. During Yeltsin’s
term Russia’s sovereignty was threatened. The
Kremlin inhabitants were preoccupied with fighting
separatists on all sides and doing other things to
keep Russia united. They succeeded, saving the
federal republic from a sort of collapse that hap-
pened to the Soviet Union (and which had sparked
separatist movements in the largest of former
Soviet Republics).
Economy-wise, Russia kept afloat by means
of increasing oil and metal exports. Heavy taxes
on exporters provided a stable flow of petrodollars
into the state treasury. This helped Moscow raise
a stable income in the hard currency. It was big
enough to buy from the West what the nation was
no longer producing at home.
Vladimir Putin continued Yeltsin’s policy and
perfected it. He strengthened state control over the
industry, including large producers of fossil fuels and
raw materials. At the same time, these companies
enjoyed favorable terms as far as business expan-
sion and technical renovation were concerned.
Putin’s administration has tirelessly been sew-
ing the network of oil and gas pipelines. This effort
has not been purely economical; it has carried a
political significance. New pipelines have been laid
down to provide more links between the oil fields in
Siberia and the consumers in Europe and Asia.
The Kremlin has made a few steps aimed at
strengthening Russian presence and influence on
the global market for fossil fuels and the sources of
energy in general. Putin’s administration made great
efforts in Venezuela, Algeria, Libya, Saudi Arabia
and other oil-rich countries of the developing world.
The policy of befriending other oil exporters has
produced mixed results. However, it is certainly an
achievement that, as of today, Moscow’s relations
with the above mentioned countries are best ever
in history.
After fifteen years of “don’t bother me any
longer, my little brothers” policy towards Cuba and
Syria, the Kremlin has recently chosen to resume
financial and military aid to Habana and Damascus.
Conveniently positioned in terms geographical,
Cuba and Syria are meant to serve as bases for
Russian penetration into their neighborhood: the
Spanish-speaking America and the Muslim world
Tu-204 in CUBANA colors
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ECONOMY PROBLEMS
AutoVAZ in Togliatti (makes Lada and Kalina series
cars). Also, there is a tiny production of UAZ 4x4
vehicles in Ulianovsk. Moscow-based AZLK ceased
production completely; Izhevsk (Izh) and Nizhny
Novgorod (GAZ) dropped their legacy models in
favor of out-of-production Korean and US designs.
By car numbers, local production accounts
for less than 40% of total sales. By value, it is
less than 20%. In 2005 Russian arms vendor
Rosoboronexport assumed control over AutoVAZ
“so as to save it for the nation”. While the maker
continues afloat, the change of proprietor does not
seem to have brought feasible changes in Lada
competitiveness.
The Russian government has been following
the situation in the automotive industry. But findings
have been rather upsetting. The national legacy cars
sector will invariably continue losing its positions to
foreign manufacturers. Furthermore, the open doors
policy attracted Chinese makers. They seem to have
been using Russia as a convenient testing range for
their cheap products.
The Kremlin tried to amend the situation by
offering global car manufacturers erect their plants
in the Russian territory, promising relaxed taxation
terms. A few Japanese and European makers seized
this opportunity. They opened “screwdriver assem-
bly workshops”, producing copies of “global model”
cars. Although these new workshops have created
some new jobs in Russia, they produced little effect
on the overall situation in the Russian automotive
industry and the inner market. And this could not
have been otherwise, since most of the car com-
ponents are imported (rather than made locally).
When the crisis hit, the Kremlin had a rude awak-
ening. Newly erected “screwdriver” factories did
not decrease the inner market dependence on the
outside world in the given area. With a substantial
drop in car sales in the late 2008, the newly erected
facilities had to stop working. Relatively low-rate,
“screwdriver”-based sort of in-house manufactur-
ing does not justify local production economically
in competition with ready-to-use cars assembled by
bigger plants abroad.
respectively. Besides, Syria and Cuba have some
natural resources that need substantial investment
to exploit. Moscow shows willingness to provide
the requisite funds and technologies in return for
control over those resources.
Despite a heavy pressure from the West insist-
ing on Iran’s isolation, Moscow has been developing
relations with Tehran. This involves direct deliveries
of advanced rocketry (like the Thor-M1 surface-
to-air missiles – 29 launchers were shipped in
2007-2008), and prolongation of license production
rights for Russian designs such as armored vehicles
and assault rifles. The two large oil exporters have
not become close friends, thought. But they have
been improving coordination of their efforts on the
global scene. There is a growing understanding in
both Moscow and Tehran that, through expansion
of mutual trade and joint industrial undertaking,
the two nations may lessen their dependence on
the West. Russian and Iranian manufacturers would
expand outlet for their products, thus enlarging their
anchor markets.
A manufacturing nation
There is a growing understanding in the Russian
society and the corridors of power that the national
economic policy should be based on the notion
that Russia is a manufacturing nation. The country
developed that way since the dawns of time.
In the early Medieval, Slav swords and mails
were most desirable trophies for both European
and Asian invaders, including German knights and
Mongolian cavalrymen. Better quality of Slav-made
arms became apparent in 1240, when the army
of Novgorod (Rus strongest northern city) subse-
quently crashed the elite of the Swedish (1240, the
Battle of the Neva River) and the German knights
Automotive industry
As it was mentioned above, the Russian manu-
facturing industry has been suffering from the
transition from command to open-doors economy.
Heavy and medium machinery and electronics have
been most affected.
Let us take automotive industry for illustration.
Production of Russian legacy cars has halved. The
nation now has only one large maker in the form of
NUMBER OF COMBAT, TRAINING AND TRANSPORT AIRCRAFT IN THE SOVIET INVENTORY
YEAR
1917 October
1924
1928
1930
1933
1941 June
17500 combat
12100 training
NUMBER OF AIRCRAFT
1109
326
1078
1581
3165
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AIR FLEET · 1.2009 ·( 75 )
Europeans for permanent residence. This helped
Russia master many of the then-advanced European
technologies. Although in somewhat smaller scale,
this strategy was carried out by Peter’s successors.
As a result, the Imperial Russia kept pace with the
Western Europe on military technologies, including
artillery and armored ship building.
There is a lot of evidence to that. Perhaps
the most illustrative is naval hardware: battle-
ships, armored cruisers and submarines. Warships
of these classes were constructed by domestic
manufacturers to the standards corresponding to
those in the United Kingdom, Germany, France and
the United States. From time to time, the Russian
Imperial Navy purchased new warships in other
countries. The purpose was to assess them and,
if necessary, set up local production. But larger
portion of newly made weapons was developed
domestically. Thus, Russia kept among world’s top
five countries in advanced weaponry making and
armed forces organization.
Born in 1917, the world’s first Republic of the
Workers and Peasants had to fight enemies on
all sides of its immense territory stretching from
The Baltic and Black Seas all the way to Pacific
waters. The new Kremlin inhabitants understood
early in their careers the importance of high-
tech, massive local production of military equip-
ment. Revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin launched
GOELRO project calling for “total electrofication”
of the country. Thus, Lenin laid foundations of
Russia’s next-generation economy.
In 1929 Josef Stalin launched the great indus-
trialization campaign by adopting the Soviet Union’s
first Five Year Economic Plan. In four years that
followed the Soviet industry assembled 4,289 new
aircraft, and 2952 more in 1933. The new indus-
trial policy focused on erecting thousands of small,
medium and large plants all over the country.
Among others, aviation plants were erected in
Irkutsk, Novosibirsk, Komsomolsk-upon-Amur. To
this day these plants remain Russia’s largest pro-
ducers of fighter aircraft.
In the 1930s, the Soviet Union developed
faster than any other country. In 1939 it became
the world’s third largest economy after the USA
and Germany. Stalin laid foundations of the Soviet
military-industrial complex, which later evolved into
the Russian defense-industrial complex. Whatever
is being said and written today about Lenin and
Stalin, one fact remains undisputed: the communist
leaders succeeded in bringing the Russian industry
into a new quality level, sufficient enough to defend
the USSR from its aggressive neighbors such as
Japan and Germany.
When, in the late 1930s, the world went onto a
massive war, the Soviet Union emerged as a promi-
nent exporter of advanced war machines. Moscow
supplied fighters, bombers, tanks and cannons to
Republican Spain, China, Czechoslovakia etc. The
Soviet-made equipment fared well against that of
the Japanese in China and Mongolia, and against
that of the Germans and Italians in Spain.
In particular, the popular Polikarpov I-16 was
the world’s first fighter to have retractable landing
gears. Equipped by powerful M-25 radial piston
engines (later replaced by more powerful M-62/63 –
these motors were manufactured in Moscow, at the
enterprise now known as MMPP Salut), the I-16
developed top speed of 450km/h, a record for its
time. Strongly-built and agile, I-16 fighters won
numerous air duels with contemporary Japanese,
German and Italian designs.
In summer 1939 the Red Army aviation and
armor units crashed numerically larger Japanese
expedition force in Mongolia. Japanese equipment
was outclassed by the Russian one. Suffering three
times larger losses and complete defeat in the
battlefield, the Japan made decision to maintain
peace with the Soviet Union for the next five years.
“Disproportioned” losses in 1939 made Tokyo
refrain from attacking the Soviet Union even when
its strategic ally Germany had its forces fighting at
Moscow outskirts in winter 1941/1942.
When fascist Germany invaded Soviet Union
in June 1941, VVS RKKA (acronym for the Air
force of the Workers and Peasants Red Army) had
17,500 combat aircraft. This number included 9,288
fighters (of which about two thousand copies of
brand-new MiG, LaGG and Yak types), 5,065 frontal
bombers (including 458 Pe-2 diving bombers),
2,147 heavy bombers, 611 close air support air-
(1242, the Battle of the Chudskoe Lake). These
great victories reflected the fact that Slav-made
armor was stronger and lighter than that of the
opponents.
In 1380 the Moscow-led army of the united
Russian duchies crashed numerically larger force of
the Golden Horde. Again, the Russians demonstrat-
ed better quality of their armor. Besides, for defense
of cities and castles, the Russians used cannons.
Their craftsmen went swiftly from light guns to
very heavy cannons (such as the Tsar Cannon, now
a Kremlin memorial). Artillery was something the
nomad invaders did not have.
The fall of Kazan (a khanate on the Volga River)
to the army of Ivan IV the Terrible in 1556 led to
merging of the Russian and Tatar technologies. This
enabled Russia to capitalize on this unique blend of
European and Asian achievements in arms manu-
facturing techniques. And helped the tsar’s army
withstood heavy pressure on Eastern and Western
directions. In many ways, the Russian victories of
the time were due to the advanced blade and fire
weapons produced in the country.
In 1709 the Battle of Poltava saw Peter the
Great soldiers defeating Europe’s strongest army
of the time, that of Carl XXII of Sweden. This great
victory was preceded by Peter’s sustained efforts
on improving the structure of the Russian army and
industry by means of West-European “technology
insertions”. Since then Peter’s lasting legacy was
mobilizing Russian resources to complete on equal
terms with the West.
Under Peter the Great, Russia became an empire.
St. Petersburg attracted great many talented West
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